Starmer's Time to Act on Brexit: A Historic Opportunity to Repair the Damage
The waiting game has come at a heavy cost. Since the UK-EU summit in May, progress has been glacial. The commitments made were not just diplomatic wins but practical fixes that could ease pressure on supermarket prices and lower bills through energy trading agreements. Yet, months later, neither is in place.
It's time for Keir Starmer to bring forward legislation this year to improve the UK's deal with the EU. This is a historic opportunity to repair the damage inflicted by Brexit. The economic costs of the status quo are clear: prices are higher, trade is weaker, and our influence has diminished.
Starmer's promise signals that the era of warm words without delivery may finally come to an end. Reports that the government is preparing the legislative groundwork for SPS and energy cooperation agreements are significant. This bill marks a concrete sign that implementation is finally within reach.
However, food and energy agreements alone will not be enough to define success at this year's UK-EU summit. Britain's return to Erasmus+ in 2027 is welcome, but insufficient. Young people are still waiting for a youth experience scheme that would restore opportunities to live, work, and study across Europe. The question of UK access to the EU's €150bn rearmament fund also remains unresolved.
Securing clear agreements and timelines on food, energy, youth mobility, and defence cooperation would mark a successful end to what might be called phase one of Labour's post-Brexit reset. Starmer has hinted that he is thinking beyond that. He dismissed renewed calls for a customs union, suggesting it would not be transformative enough.
The evidence backs him up. A customs union alone would deliver modest gains while riling opponents. If Starmer wants to face down the inevitable accusations of Brexit betrayal, he should pursue changes that genuinely move the dial on growth and living standards.
Phase two of the reset must focus on deeper, broader alignment across the economy. Mutual recognition of standards across all industrial sectors, mutual recognition of professional qualifications, and UK accession to the pan-Euro-Mediterranean convention could boost GDP growth by about 2%, according to Best for Britain research by Frontier Economics.
These proposals are hardly radical and sit comfortably within Labour's stated red lines of no return to the single market, customs union, or freedom of movement. The biggest gains from closer UK-EU alignment would be felt outside London and the south-east, particularly in the Midlands, Yorkshire, and the north-east.
While breaching the red lines to pursue single market access could deliver larger GDP boons, it's a debate Starmer should welcome. When critics complain about cost, he can point to the reality of the past decade. The UK has lost around £90bn a year in public finances due to Brexit, while isolation leaves Britain more exposed.
The truth is that the UK and EU share economic, security, and geopolitical interests. Closer cooperation is not just possible but an urgent necessity. It's time for Starmer to act on this historic opportunity to repair the damage inflicted by Brexit.
The waiting game has come at a heavy cost. Since the UK-EU summit in May, progress has been glacial. The commitments made were not just diplomatic wins but practical fixes that could ease pressure on supermarket prices and lower bills through energy trading agreements. Yet, months later, neither is in place.
It's time for Keir Starmer to bring forward legislation this year to improve the UK's deal with the EU. This is a historic opportunity to repair the damage inflicted by Brexit. The economic costs of the status quo are clear: prices are higher, trade is weaker, and our influence has diminished.
Starmer's promise signals that the era of warm words without delivery may finally come to an end. Reports that the government is preparing the legislative groundwork for SPS and energy cooperation agreements are significant. This bill marks a concrete sign that implementation is finally within reach.
However, food and energy agreements alone will not be enough to define success at this year's UK-EU summit. Britain's return to Erasmus+ in 2027 is welcome, but insufficient. Young people are still waiting for a youth experience scheme that would restore opportunities to live, work, and study across Europe. The question of UK access to the EU's €150bn rearmament fund also remains unresolved.
Securing clear agreements and timelines on food, energy, youth mobility, and defence cooperation would mark a successful end to what might be called phase one of Labour's post-Brexit reset. Starmer has hinted that he is thinking beyond that. He dismissed renewed calls for a customs union, suggesting it would not be transformative enough.
The evidence backs him up. A customs union alone would deliver modest gains while riling opponents. If Starmer wants to face down the inevitable accusations of Brexit betrayal, he should pursue changes that genuinely move the dial on growth and living standards.
Phase two of the reset must focus on deeper, broader alignment across the economy. Mutual recognition of standards across all industrial sectors, mutual recognition of professional qualifications, and UK accession to the pan-Euro-Mediterranean convention could boost GDP growth by about 2%, according to Best for Britain research by Frontier Economics.
These proposals are hardly radical and sit comfortably within Labour's stated red lines of no return to the single market, customs union, or freedom of movement. The biggest gains from closer UK-EU alignment would be felt outside London and the south-east, particularly in the Midlands, Yorkshire, and the north-east.
While breaching the red lines to pursue single market access could deliver larger GDP boons, it's a debate Starmer should welcome. When critics complain about cost, he can point to the reality of the past decade. The UK has lost around £90bn a year in public finances due to Brexit, while isolation leaves Britain more exposed.
The truth is that the UK and EU share economic, security, and geopolitical interests. Closer cooperation is not just possible but an urgent necessity. It's time for Starmer to act on this historic opportunity to repair the damage inflicted by Brexit.